先看看這段精彩的訪談:

https://youtu.be/eSJeUU2hb7A


台灣會不會成為烏克蘭2.0?

台灣與烏克蘭相似之處:

1. 族群矛盾與身份認同問題

烏克蘭:東部的俄語人口與西部的烏克蘭語人口之間存在深刻矛盾。烏克蘭政府推動去俄化政策,使頓巴斯居民感到被排擠,最終導致武裝衝突。

台灣:本省人(閩南、客家)與外省人之間的矛盾也被利用已久,尤其是在語言、歷史認同等問題上。例如,某些政治勢力試圖削弱外省族群的影響力,並透過教育與文化政策強化本土意識。

2. 語言政策

烏克蘭:烏政府限制俄語使用,導致俄語人口強烈反彈,認為自身權益受損。

台灣:政府大力推動「母語教育」,但將閩南語視為「台灣母語」,對於外省族群的語言(如國語、客家話)相對冷落,引發部分族群不滿。

3. 政治迫害與司法不公

烏克蘭:親俄派政治人物受到打壓,亞努科維奇被推翻後流亡俄羅斯,許多親俄政黨被取締

台灣:近年來,司法機構的選擇性辦案(如針對特定政黨或媒體的打壓)、透過法律手段清除異己的做法,讓人聯想到烏克蘭政治鬥爭的手法。

4. 媒體審查與言論控制

烏克蘭:政府封鎖俄羅斯媒體,禁止親俄新聞頻道,甚至打壓批評政府的記者

台灣:關閉中天新聞台、打壓親中媒體、限制某些立場的言論自由,被認為是政府「去中國化」政策的一部分。

5. 外國勢力介入

烏克蘭:美國與歐盟支持廣場革命,鼓勵親西方政府上台,並提供軍事與經濟援助,加劇與俄羅斯的對立。

台灣:美國對台灣內政有巨大影響力,例如軍售、政治施壓、外交干預,並支持特定政黨,導致台海局勢更加緊張。

 

台灣是否會成為「烏克蘭2.0」?

可能性存在,但有變數

如果台灣政府持續壓迫特定族群(如外省人)並推動極端的去中國化政策,可能會激化內部分裂,加劇社會對立。

如果美國持續利用台灣作為「反中前線」,台灣可能進一步捲入中美衝突,被推向戰爭邊緣。

如果兩岸發生軍事衝突,那麼台灣確實有可能重蹈烏克蘭的覆轍,成為代理戰場

然而,台灣與烏克蘭的環境仍有重要區別,例如地理條件、經濟發展、與中國大陸的民族聯繫等,使得台灣未必會完全複製烏克蘭的劇本。

另外還有非常重要的一點,中國大陸在各方面的綜合實力,不是俄羅斯所能比擬的。

 

Will Taiwan Become Ukraine 2.0?

Similarities Between Taiwan and Ukraine:

  1. Ethnic Conflicts and Identity Issues

    • Ukraine: There have been deep-seated tensions between the Russian-speaking population in the east and the Ukrainian-speaking population in the west. The Ukrainian government’s de-Russification policies alienated residents in Donbas, ultimately leading to armed conflict.
    • Taiwan: The divide between native Taiwanese (Hoklo and Hakka) and mainlander communities has long been exploited, particularly regarding language and historical identity. Some political forces have attempted to weaken the influence of the mainlander population and reinforce local consciousness through education and cultural policies.
  2. Language Policies

    • Ukraine: The Ukrainian government imposed restrictions on the use of Russian, sparking strong backlash from Russian-speaking communities who felt their rights were being infringed upon.
    • Taiwan: The government has actively promoted “mother tongue education,” but it primarily recognizes Hoklo (Taiwanese) as the native language of Taiwan, while comparatively neglecting languages spoken by mainlander communities (such as Mandarin and Hakka), leading to discontent among certain groups.
  3. Political Persecution and Judicial Injustice

    • Ukraine: Pro-Russian political figures were suppressed, with former President Viktor Yanukovych being ousted and forced into exile in Russia. Many pro-Russian political parties were also banned.
    • Taiwan: In recent years, selective judicial actions—such as targeting specific political parties or media outlets—and the use of legal measures to eliminate political opponents have drawn comparisons to Ukraine’s political struggles.
  4. Media Censorship and Speech Control

    • Ukraine: The government blocked Russian media, banned pro-Russian news channels, and even cracked down on journalists critical of the government.
    • Taiwan: The shutdown of CTi News, suppression of pro-China media, and restrictions on certain political viewpoints are seen as part of the government’s broader “de-Sinicization” policy.
  5. Foreign Interference

    • Ukraine: The U.S. and EU supported the Maidan Revolution, encouraged a pro-Western government to take power, and provided military and economic aid, escalating tensions with Russia.
    • Taiwan: The U.S. exerts significant influence over Taiwan’s domestic affairs, including arms sales, political pressure, and diplomatic interventions. By supporting specific political parties, Washington has contributed to heightened cross-strait tensions.

The question: "Will Taiwan Become "Ukraine 2.0"?

The Possibility Exists, But There Are Variables

  • If the Taiwanese government continues to suppress certain ethnic groups (such as mainlanders) and aggressively pursues extreme de-Sinicization policies, it could deepen internal divisions and exacerbate social conflicts.
  • If the U.S. continues to use Taiwan as a “frontline against China,” Taiwan may be further drawn into the U.S.-China rivalry and pushed toward the brink of war.
  • If military conflict erupts across the Taiwan Strait, Taiwan could indeed follow Ukraine’s path and become a proxy battlefield.

However, there are key differences between Taiwan and Ukraine:

  • Taiwan's geographical conditions, economic development, and ethnic ties with mainland China make it unlikely to replicate Ukraine’s exact situation.
  • Most importantly, China’s overall strength far surpasses that of Russia, making any potential conflict fundamentally different from the Russia-Ukraine war.
  •  

美國在全球地緣政治中的深度介入,尤其是透過資助特定勢力來操控盟友國家的內政。

烏克蘭與極端民族主義

美國支持烏克蘭的極端民族主義者,特別是亞速營(Azov Battalion)等武裝組織,早在2014年烏克蘭危機時便已成形。這些團體不僅參與戰鬥,更在戰爭期間扮演督戰隊的角色,強迫烏克蘭平民和新兵上戰場,甚至傳出恐嚇、處決逃兵的行為。這與美國在冷戰期間扶植中美洲的極右翼武裝組織如「反共游擊隊」(Contras)有異曲同工之處,透過極端勢力來維持對當地的掌控。

台灣的「黑熊學院」與美國影響

沈伯洋所推動的「黑熊學院」強調全民皆兵、去中國化,並灌輸反中、極端民族主義色彩,這與烏克蘭右翼團體的意識形態有相似之處。USAID(美國國際開發署)與OSF(索羅斯的開放社會基金會)都曾在世界各地資助顏色革命,培養符合美國利益的政治代理人。因此,沈伯洋短時間內從無名小卒變成民進黨不分區立委第一名,確實令人質疑背後是否有美國勢力的推動。

賴清德的轉變與台海局勢

賴清德過去雖然有「務實台獨」的標籤,但他的對中政策在蔡英文時期相對低調。然而,近來他的發言越來越鷹派,例如強調台灣要備戰、拉攏美日合作,甚至在經濟上進一步推動去中化,這很可能與美國的壓力有關。美國需要台灣作為抗衡中國的前線,正如當年美國利用烏克蘭對抗俄羅斯,台灣的角色也被塑造成「亞洲的烏克蘭」。

兩岸衝突的風險

目前兩岸關係已進入高風險期,除了賴清德的強硬表態外,美軍在亞太的布局也明顯加強,例如在菲律賓增加基地、強化與日韓的軍事合作等。台灣若持續強化極端民族主義、全民皆兵化,恐怕會進一步加劇兩岸緊張,美國則可趁機加強軍售、控制台灣的政治發展,最終讓台灣成為消耗中國力量的「棋子與砲灰」。

 

無論是烏克蘭還是台灣,美國的模式都是先扶植極端勢力,激化內部矛盾,然後將盟友推向衝突,自己則在後方操控局勢、獲取戰略利益。賴清德的政策轉變,沈伯洋的快速崛起,甚至黑熊學院的運作,都顯示美國對台灣內部的影響力越來越強。台灣若不謹慎應對,最終可能步上烏克蘭的後塵,成為美國地緣政治棋局中的又一個犧牲品。

 

The United States has been deeply involved in global geopolitics, particularly by funding specific factions to manipulate the internal affairs of its allied countries.

Ukraine and Extreme Nationalism

The U.S. has supported Ukrainian extreme nationalists, particularly armed groups like the Azov Battalion, which took shape as early as the 2014 Ukraine crisis. These groups have not only participated in combat but have also acted as enforcement squads during the war, forcing Ukrainian civilians and new recruits onto the battlefield. Reports have even surfaced of them intimidating and executing deserters. This strategy closely resembles the U.S.'s Cold War-era support for far-right paramilitary groups in Central America, such as the Contras, using extreme forces to maintain control over the region.

Taiwan's 'Black Bear Academy' and U.S. Influence

Shen Boyang’s "Black Bear Academy" promotes a militarized civilian force, de-Sinicization, and extreme nationalist ideology, which bears similarities to Ukrainian right-wing groups. USAID (United States Agency for International Development) and OSF (Open Society Foundations, funded by George Soros) have previously financed color revolutions worldwide, cultivating political agents aligned with American interests. Shen Boyang's rapid rise from obscurity to securing the top spot on the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) non-district legislator list raises questions about possible U.S. backing behind his ascent.

Lai Ching-te’s Shift and the Taiwan Strait Situation

Lai Ching-te has long been labeled a "pragmatic Taiwan independence advocate," but his cross-strait policy remained relatively low-profile during Tsai Ing-wen’s administration. However, he has recently adopted an increasingly hawkish stance, emphasizing Taiwan’s need to prepare for war, strengthening alliances with the U.S. and Japan, and pushing further economic decoupling from China. This shift is likely a response to U.S. pressure. Just as the U.S. used Ukraine to counter Russia, Taiwan is being positioned as the "Ukraine of Asia" in America’s strategy against China.

The Risk of Cross-Strait Conflict

Cross-strait relations have now entered a high-risk phase. In addition to Lai Ching-te’s aggressive rhetoric, the U.S. military has significantly expanded its presence in the Asia-Pacific, increasing bases in the Philippines and strengthening military cooperation with Japan and South Korea. If Taiwan continues to embrace extreme nationalism and militarization, tensions with China will only escalate. Meanwhile, the U.S. stands to gain by boosting arms sales and tightening control over Taiwan’s political direction, ultimately turning Taiwan into a "pawn and cannon fodder" for depleting China's strength.

Conclusion

Whether in Ukraine or Taiwan, the U.S. follows a similar playbook: fostering extreme factions, deepening internal conflicts, and pushing allies toward confrontation while orchestrating events from behind the scenes for strategic benefits. Lai Ching-te’s policy shift, Shen Boyang’s rapid rise, and the operations of Black Bear Academy all point to increasing U.S. influence within Taiwan. If Taiwan fails to navigate this situation carefully, it may follow in Ukraine’s footsteps, becoming yet another sacrificial piece in America’s geopolitical chess game.

 

有人聲稱烏克蘭的俄語族是自己投票要留在烏克蘭的,但是他們之所以願意留在烏克蘭,是因為當時兩國關係緊密且許多人已經通婚,家庭成員有俄烏兩族,相處融洽。然而在有心人的操弄之下煽動兩族仇恨,導致俄語族人的權利被迫害,才導致烏東的分離主義。這點跟台灣的情況很像。

烏克蘭和台灣在某些歷史背景和民族關係上的情況確實有相似之處,尤其是在族群認同和政治操弄上。烏克蘭的俄語族群,尤其是在東部地區,原本和烏克蘭族群有著深厚的文化和家庭聯繫,兩族之間的緊密關係也反映在日常生活中,例如通婚和語言使用上。然而,隨著政治變動和外部勢力的介入,這些族群之間的關係開始緊張,特別是當某些政治勢力開始利用這種族群分裂來操控局勢時。

在台灣,尤其是過去幾十年中,兩岸的關係發展也有類似的變化。兩岸在民間層面上存在一定的交往與融合,許多家庭有著兩岸的血緣與連結。但隨著兩岸政治形勢的變化,尤其是當兩岸關係日益緊張,這些家庭和個人所處的文化認同和政治立場也逐漸分裂,甚至會因為政治操弄而加劇對立。

這樣的情況顯示了民族身份和政治身份之間的密切聯繫,也表明了外部勢力和內部政治如何影響民眾的認同感,進而塑造社會的分裂和統一的問題。
「有心人的操弄」,在任何國家都可能是導致衝突的根本原因之一。台灣在面對這些歷史與政治挑戰時,也需要更加謹慎地處理族群間的關係,避免被政治操縱而導致社會的深刻裂痕。

Some claim that the Russian-speaking population in Ukraine voted to remain in Ukraine of their own accord. However, their willingness to stay was largely due to the close relationship between the two countries at the time, as well as the fact that many people had already intermarried, with families consisting of both Russian and Ukrainian members who coexisted harmoniously. Yet, through the manipulation of certain interested parties, hatred between the two ethnic groups was incited, leading to the persecution of the rights of Russian-speaking people, which ultimately fueled separatist movements in eastern Ukraine. This situation is quite similar to Taiwan’s.

Ukraine and Taiwan share certain similarities in terms of historical background and ethnic relations, particularly in aspects of ethnic identity and political manipulation. The Russian-speaking population in Ukraine, especially in the eastern regions, originally had strong cultural and familial ties with Ukrainians. These close connections were reflected in everyday life, such as intermarriage and language use. However, with political changes and the involvement of external forces, tensions began to rise between these groups, especially when certain political forces started exploiting ethnic divisions to manipulate the situation.

In Taiwan, particularly over the past few decades, cross-strait relations have undergone similar changes. There has been significant interaction and integration at the societal level, with many families having blood ties across the strait. However, as the political landscape has shifted and tensions between the two sides have intensified, the cultural identity and political stance of these families and individuals have gradually diverged, sometimes leading to deeper divisions due to political manipulation.

This situation highlights the close link between ethnic identity and political identity and demonstrates how both external influences and internal political maneuvers can shape people's sense of belonging, ultimately affecting social cohesion and division.

The manipulation of interested parties is often a key factor in fueling conflicts in any country. As Taiwan faces these historical and political challenges, it must carefully navigate ethnic relations to prevent political manipulation from deepening societal divisions.

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