檢調濫權打壓罷免行動真相揭露 | The Truth Behind the Prosecutorial Abuse Against Recall Campaigns


1️⃣ 偵辦對象錯置:罷免案收件人遭誣陷

Targeting the Wrong People: Recall Organizers Falsely Accused

按理說,若連署書有偽造,應偵辦的是「偽造行為人」也就是寄件人,而非收件人或領銜人。檢調卻直接搜索國民黨地方辦公室,針對罷綠行動領銜人展開強制調查,顯然有政治操作嫌疑。

In the case of forged petition forms, the suspects should be the forgers, not the recipients or recall organizers. However, prosecutors raided KMT local offices and targeted key figures in the recall movement. This strongly suggests political manipulation.


2️⃣ 故意混淆法律生效日期,企圖定罪合法行為

Manipulating the Law's Effective Date to Criminalize Legal Action

民進黨與親綠媒體不斷渲染《選罷法》第98條之2於2月18日公告當天即生效,實則須公告3日後才生效,即為2月20日。
而目前所有罷免案都在此之前即已送件,完全不適用新法。這是刻意誤導,藉機構陷。

The DPP and pro-government media falsely claim that Article 98-2 of the Election and Recall Act took effect on Feb 18 (announcement day). In reality, the law only takes effect 3 days later, i.e., Feb 20.
All existing recall cases were submitted before that date, and are not subject to the new rule. This is a deliberate distortion used to falsely incriminate.


3️⃣ 偽造文書非重罪,卻大規模羈押罷免領銜人

Forgery Is Not a Major Crime, Yet Massive Detention Is Used

刑法第210條規定:偽造文書罪最重刑期為5年以下,不符合羈押標準(刑訴法第101條:僅最輕本刑5年以上者可羈押)。
但檢方卻對罷免領銜人施以搜索、限制人身自由,並裁定高額保釋金。這種作法明顯是「以刑逼民」。

According to Article 210 of the Criminal Code, forgery carries a maximum penalty of less than 5 years, which does not meet the criteria for pre-trial detention (per Criminal Procedure Article 101).
Yet recall organizers have been detained, had their offices raided, and were forced to post excessive bail. This is blatant abuse of legal power.


4️⃣ 檢調干擾人民行使憲法賦予的罷免權

Prosecutors Interfering with Citizens’ Constitutional Right to Recall

憲法保障人民行使罷免權,檢調機構卻主動干預正在進行的連署行動,恫嚇參與民眾與志工,嚴重侵犯公民權利。

The Constitution guarantees citizens the right to recall elected officials. Yet prosecutors are actively interfering with ongoing petition campaigns, intimidating volunteers and participants. This is a severe violation of civil rights.


5️⃣ 結論:這不是法律爭議,而是政治清算

Conclusion: This Is Not a Legal Issue — It’s Political Persecution

整起事件表面看似依法辦案,實質卻是執政黨利用司法打壓異己的政治清算行動,意圖造成寒蟬效應、瓦解反對勢力。
這不是司法正義,而是「知法玩法」與國家機器的極端濫用。

While this appears to be a legal investigation, in reality it is political persecution carried out under the guise of justice. The ruling party is using judicial power to suppress dissent, instill fear, and dismantle opposition.
This is not justice — it is deliberate abuse of state power.

 

根據《刑法》第210條的規定:

偽造私文書罪,最重刑期不過是 5年以下 有期徒刑。

這不是屬於《刑事訴訟法》第101條所稱的「最輕本刑五年以上之罪」,也就是說:

原則上不應羈押,除非有重大逃亡、滅證或勾串可能。

但現在實際情況是:

• 藍營罷綠領銜人、助理等被大規模搜索、限制人身自由

• 多人被羈押、甚至裁定高額保釋金(數十萬不等)

• 不符比例原則,也不符合一般法律程序應有的「最小侵害原則」

這種做法明顯是利用羈押作為「政治打壓工具」,達到寒蟬效應與組織瓦解的目的。

________________________________________

民進黨政權正在破壞法治基本原則

刑罰不是用來嚇人的,也不是政權用來懲罰異己的工具。

但如今明知證據不足,卻照樣搜索、羈押、開高保釋金,手段如出一轍地套用在所有罷免案主導者身上,這根本不是辦案,而是政治清算

________________________________________

這不是「辦案」,這是「示眾」!

他們不是在偵辦犯罪,而是在告訴所有人民:

「如果你敢動我們的權力,我們就動你的人身自由。」

而最諷刺的是,這一切都是在法治的名義下進行的無法無天。

 

新聞事件時間軸 | Timeline of Related Events

2025年2月3日-2025年2月13日:罷綠委的第一階段送案時間

2025年2月18日:​中選會公告《公職人員選舉罷免法》第98條之2修正案。

2025年2月21日:​修正案正式生效。

2025年2月22日:​檢調單位開始對多起罷免案進行調查,搜索國民黨各地辦公室。

2025年2月25日:​多位罷免案領銜人被羈押,並被要求繳納高額保釋金。

2025年3月1日:​媒體報導指出,檢調對罷免案的調查可能涉及政治動機,引發社會關注。

 

📅 日期 Date 📌 中文說明 Description (Chinese) 🌍 English Description
2025年2月3日–2月13日 罷免綠營立委的第一階段連署書送案時間。所有罷免案皆於此時送交選委會,適用修法前舊法。 First-stage submission of recall petitions against DPP legislators. All cases were submitted during this period, before the new law was enacted.
2025年2月18日 中選會公告《公職人員選舉罷免法》第98條之2修正案。 CEC announces the amendment to Article 98-2 of the Public Officials Election and Recall Act.
2025年2月21日 修正案正式生效(公告滿3日)。 The amendment officially takes effect after the mandatory 3-day period.
2025年2月22日 檢調單位開始調查罷免案,搜索國民黨地方辦公室,並扣押文件。 Prosecutors begin investigating recall cases, raiding KMT local offices and seizing documents.
2025年2月25日 多位罷免案領銜人被拘提與羈押,法院裁定高額保釋金。 Several recall leaders are detained or held in custody, with courts imposing excessive bail.
2025年3月1日 媒體質疑檢調辦案涉及政治動機,引發社會與輿論高度關注。 Media begin questioning the political motives behind the investigation, drawing significant public attention.

新聞事件時間軸 | Timeline of Related Events

 

2025年2月3日-2025年2月13日:罷綠委的第一階段送案時間

February 3–13, 2025 First-stage submission of recall petitions against DPP legislators. All cases were submitted during this period, before the new law was enacted.

 

2025年2月18日:​中選會公告《公職人員選舉罷免法》第98條之2修正案。

February 18, 2025 The Central Election Commission (CEC) announces the amendment to Article 98-2 of the Public Officials Election and Recall Act.

 

2025年2月21日:​修正案正式生效。

February 21, 2025 The amendment officially takes effect after the required 3-day notice period.

 

2025年2月22日:​檢調單位開始對多起罷免案進行調查,搜索國民黨各地辦公室。

February 22, 2025 Prosecutors begin investigations into multiple recall cases, raiding KMT offices across the country and seizing documents.

 

2025年2月25日:​多位罷免案領銜人被羈押,並被要求繳納高額保釋金。

February 25, 2025 Several recall campaign leaders are detained or placed in custody, with courts imposing high bail amounts.

 

2025年3月1日:​媒體報導指出,檢調對罷免案的調查可能涉及政治動機,引發社會關注。

March 1, 2025 Media reports raise concerns that the investigations may be politically motivated, sparking public attention.

 

結論:民進黨說謊

這份時間軸清楚顯示:

This timeline clearly shows that:

所有罷免連署書都在新法生效之前送出。

All recall petitions were submitted before the new law took effect.

政府卻追溯適用新法來處理這些案件。

The government retroactively applied the law to these cases.

執政黨民進黨聲稱「沒有追溯適用」,是錯誤且具誤導性的說法。

The ruling DPP's claim that the law was not applied retroactively is false and misleading.

 

這些事證揭露了民進黨為打壓民主罷免行動,濫用權力、欺騙大眾的事實。

This evidence exposes the DPP's dishonesty and abuse of power to suppress democratic recall efforts.

 

民進黨透過違法追溯與司法打壓,阻止人民監督,實質施行獨裁統治,方便日後更大規模地貪贓枉法而無須擔心被清算。

The DPP is using retroactive laws and judicial oppression to block public oversight, effectively enforcing authoritarian control and paving the way for large-scale corruption without fear of accountability.

民進黨操作背後的真正目的

The DPP’s Real Purpose Behind These Actions

1. 阻撓人民透過罷免制度進行民主監督,讓人民「有制度卻無實權」。To obstruct democratic oversight by the people through recall mechanisms—leaving only a system in name, not in function.

2. 打擊異己、鞏固權力,讓在野力量無法透過正常程序制衡政府。To suppress dissent and consolidate power, preventing the opposition from balancing the government through legal channels.

3. 以民主的名義行獨裁之實,外表是選舉、內裡是操控。To carry out authoritarian rule under the disguise of democracy—elections on the surface, manipulation underneath.

4. 掩護貪腐與違法行為,讓不法官員、立委得以繼續壟斷資源、謀取私利。To shield corruption and unlawful conduct, allowing certain politicians to continue monopolizing resources for personal gain.

這種模式就是典型的假民主、真獨裁。This is a textbook case of fake democracy, real authoritarianism.

而且,當司法、檢調配合這種操作時,情況會變得更危險——因為這意味著法律不再保障人民,而是變成了打擊異己的工具。When the judiciary and prosecutors participate in such schemes, the danger escalates—because the law no longer protects the people; it becomes a weapon against them.

 

民進黨質疑罷綠連署書中有大量「死人名冊」,但這樣的說法極不合理:
The DPP claims that many recall petitions included names of deceased individuals. But this accusation doesn’t hold up under scrutiny:

誰會故意填死人來送件?Who would intentionally use dead people’s names on petitions?
罷免案是人民監督政府的重要手段,連署人怎麼可能傻到用「明知會被查出來」的死人資料來送件?這只會讓案件被駁回,前功盡棄。Citizens launching a recall effort are fully aware that petitions will be closely verified. No one would foolishly sabotage their own campaign by submitting obviously fake names—it defeats the whole purpose.

唯一合理解釋,就是敵營蓄意栽贓。The only logical explanation is a setup by the opposing camp.

在政治鬥爭中,「假連署、假資料」反而有可能是民進黨或綠營支持者故意混入、製造破口,再反過來指控藍營造假。In political struggles, it’s entirely plausible that DPP members or sympathizers infiltrated the process with fake entries, just to later discredit the recall effort and accuse others of fraud.

這種技倆稱為反間技術」或「假旗行動(false flag)」歷史上被獨裁政權屢屢使用,目的就是誣陷異己、製造鎮壓藉口。This is a classic “false flag” tactic—commonly used by authoritarian regimes to justify political repression and discredit dissent.

 

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